High Speed 2 and dodgy numbers: why detailed costings must be subject to public scrutiny

We are conditioned to accept that as projects such as High Speed 2 (HS2) are progressed, the cost estimates will rise. This, of course, invalidates a cost-benefit analysis – unless benefits are also magically inflated, a not uncommon concurrence.

In the meantime, the costs have infiltrated government policy and funding commitments – that is, the dodgy numbers pervert good decision-making. And, of course, when the work is under way it becomes challenging to establish robust budgets to which engineers and architects will adhere. The absence of detailed public costings generates scope creep. For example, the Jubilee Line Extension was announced as a £1.2 billion project, but with extravagant, award-winning architectural designs for its stations (for example) it is little wonder that the project eventually cost over £3.5 billion.

However, cost escalations on investment proposals are a fallacy. The term ‘escalation’ presupposes that valid detailed estimates were constructed in the first place - and the absence of such rigour is apparent in the Department for Transport's admission that its prevailing HS2 cost numbers were simply a ‘high-level desk-based exercise’.

Highly-detailed bottom-up estimates, subject to public scrutiny and, therefore, public accountability, would introduce incentives to planners to put their reputations on the line. Itemising costs would also allow scrutiny of risks and uncertainties on individual items. The optimism bias of project proponents – well documented by Bent Flyvbjerg – can be discouraged by mandating the production and public scrutiny of detailed bottom-up cost estimates.

It is not so much that there is a ‘black box’ in the original cost estimations; it is that there is no genuine cost estimation in the first place. ‘Cost escalation’ is therefore not a valid term. Exposing detailed cost estimation will introduce accountability to planning and policy.

In my book They Meant Well: government project disasters', I suggested employing two 'devils advocates' who could raise 'politically incorrect' questions. It would be useful to have them around from the very start of a project. Then they could query its shape, basic assumptions and precise aims while they were still open to argument. During the project's development, the devil's advocates could counter complacency, which so often seems to creep in. HS2 looks well set to make all the mistakes in the book. Although its proponents have under-estimated the costs and over-estimated the benefits, the project still hardly even meets the government's own minimum rate of return requirements for such projects. Moreover the project has tempted politicians to go out of their way to commit themselves to it, thus making it harder for them to abandon it later. The only thing we haven't yet heard much about -- but no doubt we will -- is claims that it will contribute to 'national prestige' (the last refuge of a commercially disastrous vanity project).
Spot on. It seems unbelievable that when pushed ministers refuse to define any cost benefit ratio where HS2 would be abandoned. The 'further work' being done to be published in the Autumn looks so much like the government scrabbling around for additional spurious benefits to boost the benefit side of the equation. We can only hope that this perception is wrong and in fact they are finally doing some rigorous analysis.

It will be interesting to see how the DfT manages to keep the BCR of Phase One above 1, given that factoring in the higher construction costs and using realistic assumptions about travellers working on trains etc. is likely to reduce the BCR to something like 0.5. As D Homer suggests, there is likely to be a much greater emphasis on wider benefits such as agglomeration economies and so on, even though the methodologies to quantify these are highly dubious to say the least.

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