The government’s proposed £26,000 cap on benefits for those out of work applies irrespective of circumstances and the family’s history. It will hit two groups: those with very large families, wherever they live, and people with three children or more in private rented accommodation in London and some of the south east.
It is easy to say that people should not have children if they cannot afford them. Applying a benefits cap retrospectively, to children who already exist, makes no sense as a policy of deterrence. If you want to disincentivise the poor from having children, the cap should apply to children as yet unconceived.
We do not know whether ‘conception deterrence’ works. To find out we should look at whether either the number of children born to parents on benefits rose when benefits were more generous. Then we would know whether economics enters people’s decision to conceive.
The second affected group are those with three children, who rent privately, and who lose their jobs, particularly if they are in London. These are people with reasonable work histories, who have never been in sufficient need to qualify for social housing. Equally they are not sufficiently affluent for a mortgage. This group includes many manual workers and people with relatively low skills. Think of the people who work for removals companies, and lose their jobs in the recession, because of the fall in house sales.
After rent, council tax, and utilities, someone with 4 children living in Tolworth, the cheapest part of Kingston, will have to live on 62p per day. That has to cover everything: food, school uniform, loo paper, the lot. It is clearly impossible to live on this. If you change the family circumstances a little, you can change the 62p figure – either up or down. But it is broadly accurate for a large number of those affected.
It seems strange to say to someone who has worked for 15 years, that on their first day out of work they will be plunged into poverty. Nor can we assume that they will have savings of any amount. The
This group is surely part of the ‘Tory working class coalition’ that the party needs to command a majority. To tell them that they must either move to a one or two bedroom flat, be cold, or move to Merthyr Tydfil – where their employment prospects are much worse – makes no sense, socially, politically, or economically. At very least a grace period, of say six months, or even a year given the current state of the job market, would make sense.
It is sensible to cap individual parts of the benefit system – such as constraining where people can live. But to set an overall cap, irrespective of your history or circumstances, saves little, and will cause considerable hardship in a fairly arbitrary manner. The cap is popular, but it isn’t right, and may well become less popular once the effects become apparent.
Tim Leunig also discusses the benefit cap for the Guardian here.

Tim is certainly correct that the benefit cap is a very crude policy. Nevertheless, its simplicity may be an advantage in terms of disincentivising welfare dependency - and in terms of gaining wider public support for welfare reform.
Regarding the issue of savings, I think it can safely be assumed that the family residing in Tolworth was capable of saving considerable amounts when working. This is because they would, in all likelihood, have had to save almost £4,000 to move into the house in the first place, i.e. one month's rent in advance and the equivalent as a deposit, plus removal costs. Moreover, an advantage of the benefit cap is that would deter such families from reckless behaviour, such as moving into a relatively expensive location, when their finances weren't secure.
Finally there seems to be an implicit assumption that such families can only get support from government when they run into difficulties. In reality, extended families still exist and in many instances grandparents, aunties and uncles etc. would offer financial support. There could also be opportunities for the parents to earn a few quid in the informal economy.
Tim, my point about the deposit was not that it constituted savings they could use, but that it showed that the family had the capability to save a significant amount. If they weren't capable of saving, they couldn't have moved into the house in the first place.
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