According to a review commissioned by the Department of Social Security, ‘the costs of travelling to work will ... be a factor in some people’s decisions about whether to look for or accept employment’. Indeed, one survey found that 50 per cent of unemployed people cited ‘extra costs such as travel’ as a major cause for concern about leaving benefits. Moreover, ‘travelling costs will also be a regular expense which may influence decisions about whether to remain in a particular job’. Studies of low-income families suggest that earnings from low-paid employment are significantly reduced by travel-to-work costs, with a particularly acute problem in rural areas. Since around two-thirds of working adults who travel to work do so by car or van, it is clear that motoring taxes - and fuel duty in particular - have a significant impact on travel-to-work costs.
The impact of travelling costs on work incentives is likely to be most pronounced for those individuals that already experience very high effective marginal tax rates (EMTRs). Within certain income ranges, some workers face EMTRs as high as 96 per cent. High EMTRs reflect the withdrawal of welfare payments such as housing benefit and tax credits, as well as the imposition of income tax and national insurance. While EMTRs of over 90 per cent are experienced in quite narrow income bands, EMTRs of 70 per cent or over affect a large number of employees on relatively low incomes.
Accordingly, travel-to-work costs can make a large difference to the financial incentives to enter work. Case studies illustrate the magnitude of the effect. A single person over 25 in low-cost rented accommodation would typically be around £70 per week better off in a full-time job paying the minimum wage than on benefits, which works out at £1.75 an hour. However, if average costs for those driving to work (about £20 per week) are applied, this means the person is now only £50 per week better off, or £1.25 an hour. When a realistic estimate of the time spent travelling is incorporated, the effective hourly rate falls further to around £1.10 an hour. Thus, in this case study, under plausible assumptions, travel-to-work costs reduce the returns from entering work by almost 40 per cent.
A significant proportion of motorists, such as many in rural areas, face very much higher costs. Travel-to-work costs of £40 per week would reduce the benefit of working to just £30 per week, equivalent to just 75p per hour, a drop of almost 60 per cent. At this point the financial incentives for entering employment may be extremely weak, particularly since there are likely to be additional in-work costs such as food and clothing. Worse still, several groups, such as single-earner families or households in private rented accommodation receiving large housing benefit payments, face even weaker incentives to enter relatively low-paid work. In such cases, travel-to-work costs may mean work does not pay or even makes the household worse off.
The AA estimates that fuel accounts for approximately two-thirds of car running costs (which do not include ‘standing charges’ such as insurance and VED). This suggests fuel duty accounts for roughly one third of the costs of those travelling to work by car or van. As the government introduces welfare reforms designed to improve work incentives, there is a strong case for policymakers to consider in detail the effect of travel-to-work costs, of which motoring taxes form a major component.
The economic impact of motoring taxes is analysed in a new IEA paper, Time to Excise Fuel Duty?

@HJ - I'm not convinced that better cycle provision is a good use of taxpayers' money - at least in most locations. Judging by the cycle priority measures introduced in recent years, significant amounts of road space have been devoted to a tiny minority of users with scant regard for the delays imposed on drivers. One example would be the advanced stop lines introduced at traffic lights. Cycle lanes can also narrow roads causing delays when there are parked cars or at bus stops. There doesn't seem to be much economic analysis undertaken when these measures are introduced and often there is barely any cycle traffic where these schemes are put in place. Of course, the long-term solution is to move roads to the private sector so that the level of cycle provision becomes a commercial decision.
@HJ - I have visited Holland on numerous occasions. Many of their cycling facilities were included in the huge centrally planned housing developments of the post-war period. It is a different situation to trying to retrofit cycling infrastructure to existing roads.
The advanced stop lines at traffic lights, which seem to be spreading like topsy even in areas with few cyclists, are a good example of a measure that imposes delays on drivers. As I mentioned in my previous comments, ideally cycling priority measures should be judged commercially by private road owners. However, under state ownership, there should at least be some form of cost-benefit analysis to inform officials whether such spending is likely to represent good value for money. Such an analysis should incorporate the time losses imposed on drivers. In many cases the time savings for cyclists from these measures are likely to be negligible.
@HJ - There is in fact a strong case for urban roads to be privatised, and this is set out in our recent monograph, 'Which Road Ahead - Government or Market?'. However, the process is perhaps less straight forward than denationalising motorways and trunk roads. Minor residential roads could be transferred to residents' associations who would then control access, speed limits, parking restrictions and so on. Roads on new developments could remain under private ownership rather than being adopted by local authorities. The process is likely to be evolutionary and its speed would depend to a large extent on the degree to which the planning system could be liberalised concomitantly. Of course private owners would wish to make a commercial return on their assets, but under current conditions of state ownership, given the absence of markets, fiscal and regulatory distortions and so on, any given road is very difficult to value.
@Matt Hemsley - It is very rare for road schemes with low BCRs to get the go-ahead, although there are a small number of examples such as upgrading the dual carriageway from the M6 to the M74 to motorway standard. The average BCR for road schemes deferred in the post-2010 review was 6.8. The Eddington Report survey found an average BCR for strategic road schemes of 4.7. While they are a lot better than nothing, cost-benefit analyses can nevertheless be affected by using unrealistic assumptions, as we have seen with High Speed 2. It would be preferable for entrepreneurs to invest in new schemes based on expected toll or fare revenues.
We are holding a debate on roads policy at the IEA at 6:30pm on 29 November. Full details are here: http://www.iea.org.uk/events/ending-the-road-building-gridlock-a-private...
Please email iea@iea.org.uk if you wish to attend.
@HJ - Such debates can be very worthwhile and often alert the participants to aspects they have not previously considered. I agree that there are many better uses for the resources being squandered on HS2. Allocating resources efficiently is difficult, however, given the current context of pervasive state regulation and huge fiscal distortions.
@HJ Thanks for the link. I will read the document with interest. However, I'm not convinced that low youth unemployment in those countries is related to good cycling infrastructure. A better explanation may be the nature of the economic cycle. Certainly the boom was far less pronounced in Germany and her immediate satellites than in many peripheral EU countries.
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